Weekly Dobson Policy Center Update

Gary Bauer, Senior Vice President of Public Policy

This is included today only FYI. To be on the JDFI email list, add enews@drjamesdobson.org to your contacts or Safe Sender List to insure delivery to your inbox.

Another FYI today, since there are a few folks who believe we’re getting too political here. My simple answer is just because we answer to a higher calling, and a higher standard of truth and righteousness, does not mean we’re not to be involved in the life of our nation and our world, for that is where the church is… Yet, So Get Ready!

Is it conceivable that Christians could be banned from teaching in public schools? Some radical secularists have advocated for it. Now, a school board in Arizona has gone a step further. The Washington Elementary School District, serving students in the Phoenix area, just cancelled a contract the district had with Arizona Christian University (ACU). The contract made it possible for ACU’s student teachers to be placed in local schools for “field experience.”

There were no complaints from parents or students about the arrangement, which has been in place for five years. Then some school board members read ACU’s website where they found a mission statement that said the university is “committed to Jesus Christ – accomplishing His will and advancing His kingdom on earth as in heaven.” The university also stated that it believed in “the centrality of family …traditional sexual morality and lifelong marriage between one man and one woman.”
 
That simple statement of biblical belief was too much for the three members of the board who identify as LGBTQ+. The effort to cancel the contract was led by board member Tamillia Valenzuela, who describes herself as “a bilingual, disabled, neurodivergent Queer Black Latina.” She attends board meetings wearing cat ears. Another board member attacked Arizona Christian University for “teaching with a biblical lens.”
 
ACU has now filed a lawsuit represented by the Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF). The lawsuit asserts: “This civil rights action seeks to protect a Christian university and its students’ fundamental rights to religious exercise and speech, and to be free from unlawful governmental discrimination simply because of their religious status and beliefs … Despite there being zero complaints about an Arizona Christian student teacher or alumnus, the School District decided to terminate its relationship with Arizona Christian and its students solely because of their religious status and beliefs on biblical marriage and sexuality.”
 
If history is any guide, what started in this school district will not stay in that school district. This outrage is a perfect example of what Dr. James Dobson and our team has argued for years. Someone’s values win. America once universally welcomed morally upright men and women to teach in our public schools. Today, there is increasing hostility to Christian teachers and acceptance of radical teachers who are exposing children to inappropriate LGBTQ propaganda. 
 
This is a good time to remember the importance of voting, going to school board meetings and taking every initiative you can to save your children and grandchildren. 
 



Biden Budget Disaster
 
James Dobson Family Institute (JDFI) does not usually weigh in on the, sometimes, arcane budget battles in Washington, D.C. But we cannot ignore the budget proposal just unveiled by the Biden administration. From economic policy to social policy impacting faith, family and freedom, the budget is a disaster. 
 
Biden’s budget includes, what even the pro-Biden Washington Post called, “unprecedented tax hikes” of five trillion dollars. The administration claims taxes have to be increased because our national debt is growing. But the same budget does not decrease the national debt – it increases it another $20 trillion over the next 10 years. That means President Biden is proposing major tax hikes and major new spending. In fact, the budget is 40% bigger than the last budget before COVID! All of this new debt will be left to our children and grandchildren to deal with. That amounts to an immoral generational transfer that will destroy their economic hopes and dreams.
 
Under the budget, big government grows even bigger and more powerful, while everything else, including economic growth, will get smaller. One of JDFI’s priorities is stopping America’s drift away from free enterprise and toward the “dead hand of smothering big government socialism.” This budget takes that disturbing trend and puts it on steroids. The IRS alone will get 86,000 new agents!
 
The priorities in the budget are also distorted. In a computer analysis of its 184 pages, the police are only mentioned four times, during a time when America is experiencing a nation-wide crime wave. Unbelievably, words like “transgender” (8 times), “intersex” (7 times) and the offensive slur “queer” (7 times) are all used more often, reflecting the Biden administration’s commitment to pushing the radical “52 genders” woke agenda. 
 
How about our veterans? The budget includes $137.9 million for the Department of Veteran Affairs, but bizarrely sets part of the money aside for “providing gender-affirming care to the nation’s veterans,” including sex change operations. At a time when homelessness impacts many veterans, are sex change operations really a top priority?
 
Of course, the budget does have its “fans.” One of the most powerful supporters is Planned Parenthood, the nation’s top abortion provider. Biden calls for providing them another $1.2 billion of your hard-earned tax dollars for their “vital” work of abortion on demand. This budget will be and should be “dead on arrival.” America can do a lot better. 
 



Biden HHS Attacks Rights of Conscience – Pro-Life Members of Congress Fight Back
 
Unfortunately, the Biden administration continues to be obsessed with keeping the number of abortions performed in the U.S. as high as possible. Fortunately, 25 pro-life senators and representatives are fighting back. 
 
Biden’s regulators have proposed a new rule that threatens to erase the conscience protections that prevent medical professionals from being forced to participate in abortions. The proposed rule states, “our health care systems must effectively deliver services, including safe, legal abortions, to all who need them in order to protect patients’ health and dignity.” Predictably, the “health and dignity” of the innocent preborn child, who will be dismembered or scalded with powerful chemicals, is not mentioned.
 
The Biden administration’s proposed rule is morally repugnant and also likely violates federal conscience statutes that have been passed by Congress, including the Conscience Protection Act.
 
The pro-life members of Congress, led by Senator John Kennedy (R-LA) and Senator James Lankford (R-OK), along with Rep. Andy Harris (R-MD) in the House of Representatives, have filed a public letter with the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), demanding they “enforce all conscience protections” Congress has passed. The senators remind Biden’s HHS bureaucrats that those statutes protect all medical professionals from performing or assisting in any health care services, procedures or research to which “they may object for religious, moral, ethical, or other reasons.”
 
JDFI believes this battle over the “conscience rights” of Christians and people of other faiths should be a wake-up call to the Church. This attack on conscience safeguards along with the continued effort to force all taxpayers to subsidize abortions, euthanasia and radical gender surgeries is a direct attack on our basic liberties and freedom of religion.
 
JDFI is working diligently to encourage additional pro-life members of Congress to sign the letter. Those who have currently signed include: Sens. Marsha Blackburn (R-TN), John Boozman(R-AR), Mike Braun (R-IN), Kevin Cramer (R-ND), Mike Crapo (R-ID), Ted Cruz (R-TX), Steve Daines (R-MT), Joni Ernst (R-IA), Deb Fischer (R-NE), Josh Hawley (R-MO), Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-MS), John Kennedy (R-LA), James Lankford (R-OK), Roger Marshall, M.D. (R-KS), Jim Risch(R-ID), Marco Rubio (R-FL), John Thune (R-SD), Thom Tillis (R-NC) and Representatives Robert Aderholt (R-AL), Jim Banks (R-IN), Paul Gosar (R-AZ), Andy Harris (R-MD), Diana Harshbarger (R-TN), Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R-IA), Christopher Smith (R-NJ) and Brad Wenstrup (R-OH).


Gary Bauer’s New Podcast, “Defending Faith, Family, and Freedom”

Listen to Gary Bauer’s new podcast, “Defending Faith, Family, and Freedom” on our website or on your favorite platform, including Google, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and Stitcher. Click the button below to subscribe. Every episode will help you stay informed and engaged on the policy and cultural issues that matter most to you and your family.

This is included today only FYI to add enews@drjamesdobson.org to your contacts or Safe Sender List to insure delivery to your inbox.

Accept His Love. Live His Joy. Embrace His Peace. Share His Hope. Refute Evil…... merlin

Alert: Democrats Developing New Form of Vote Harvesting

Both documents below are FYI on this blog’s designated Political Wednesday without comment. merlin

A stunning revelation from the Restoration of America (ROA) Political Action Committee (PAC) is exposing a new scam by the Democrats to harvest votes. The way this is reportedly being done is through non-profit groups.

Democrats have found a way to sign people up behind the scenes via non-profits, even though non-profit groups are not allowed to have any partisan leanings.

Here’s How It’s Being Done

The report from Restoration of America comes in two parts. It digs deep into how the Democrats are using 501c3 non-profit groups to sign people up who will likely vote Democratic.

Non-profits are barred by US law from engaging in partisan activities or checking who somebody will vote for before registering them.

However, groups like the Center for Voter Information and Voter Participation Center simply go sign people up that they know will almost definitely vote Democratic, based on the groups they’re in.

CVI and VPC already mailed out almost 86 million mailers to 32 states ahead of the 2022 midterms to boost the vote, especially states that were hoped to turn left, like Pennsylvania and Georgia.

As the ROA report notes, both of these groups use “microtargeting techniques” to find out where members of non-profits live to send them mailers and outreach.

They then target those in districts that need more votes to flip the districts or other key races like the Senate.

Digging Deeper Into the Fraud

Digging deeper into this backhanded scheme, we see a lot of shady stuff emerge. One influential PAC called Mind the Gap, for example, was started by the mom of former FTX head Sam Bankman-Fried.

This individual, Barbara Fried, helped use her PAC to get rich leftists to funnel their money into groups like CVI and VPC. Fried promised people this could net up to 500% more votes for them for the same amount of money.

This shows that funneling money towards CVI and VPC and other groups isn’t just some innocent support of “democracy” and signing people up.

Wealthy donors and Democratic PACs know what’s happening; voters are being systematically targeted and reached if they are likely to vote blue. This is their strategy and the right had better wake up before they get a permanent stranglehold on elections.

Can This Be Stopped?

Stopping this kind of sneaky fraud is difficult to do. That’s because these kinds of leftist groups are getting around the IRS ban by finding backdoor ways to geographically target voters and sign them up.

Suing federally can’t work because they aren’t technically violating IRS rules. Though suing at the state level is possible and eventually, this issue seems likely to reach the Supreme Court as well.

The Bottom Line

We can’t afford to take our eyes off the ball. Dirty Democratic tricks are constantly increasing, especially as we head into 2024.

This article appeared in FreshOffThePress and has been published here with permission.

https://open.substack.com/pub/seymourhersh/p/whos-your-george-ball?r=690o5&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=email

WHO’S YOUR GEORGE BALL?

Every President Needs a Voice of Dissent – Does Joe Biden Have One?

This is an account of another American who, like Daniel Ellsberg, did the right thing at the right time in the middle of a war. But unlike Ellsberg’s, his act of courage did not make the headlines, and he suffered little for it. His name is George W. Ball. He was a Midwestern lawyer who did not politically support John F. Kennedy in his 1960 presidential campaign and did not serve bravely or endure violence during World War II. But he had played a key role in the American postwar rebuilding of Europe and was appointed early in 1961 as an undersecretary of state in the Kennedy Administration. His main task was to deal with international economic and agricultural affairs.

Ball had directed the American postwar bombing survey in London at the end of the war. He understood, as the survey had shown, that the intense daytime bombing of German cities had not destroyed morale, as had been assumed, but had increased citizen support for the Nazi regime—and perhaps extended the duration of the war. Ball would later be the only senior Kennedy Administration official who directly warned the president of the dangers of committing American soldiers to the Vietnam War, as had been recommended by his generals. In his 2000 book Our Vietnam: The War 1954-1975, A.J. Langguth, who covered the war for the New York Times, recounted Ball’s gutsy warning in late 1961 to the president: “If we go down that road we might have, within five years, 300,000 men in the rice paddies of the jungles of Vietnam and never be able to find them.” 

In a 1982 memoir, Ball recalled Kennedy’s irritated response: “George, you’re just crazier than hell. That just isn’t going to happen.” Back in his office, Ball told an aide, “We’re heading hell-bent into a mess and there’s not a goddamn thing I can do about it. Either everybody else is crazy or I am.”

Ball, who had worked with and supported Adlai Stevenson, the liberal former governor of Illinois, in two failed presidential campaigns in the 1950s, was disdained by many of the tough-minded and tough-talking war planners inside the administration not as a truth teller but as a “dove.”

Kennedy had been shaken by his early failure to oust Fidel Castro, Cuba’s communist leader, in the first months of his administration and a brutal summit meeting weeks later with a dismissive Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. He would make a stand in South Vietnam. In 1962 he also chose to become the first American president to try to thwart what Washington saw as the Soviet Union’s ambitions to weaponize its enormous reservoirs of oil and natural gas. Russia had announced its intention to build a 2,500-mile pipeline from its oil and natural gas fields in Tatarstan, 700 miles to the east of Moscow, that would be capable of supplying much-needed cheap energy to countries in the Soviet bloc within five or so years, with smaller pipelines that could spread deeper into Europe. All were still struggling to rebuild from the devastation of World War II.

Kennedy responded through NATO in a futile effort to impose an embargo on the imports from Western Europe to Russia of the materials to build the pipeline. In a 2018 study, Nikos Tsafos, an expert who was named last year as the energy adviser to the prime minister of Greece, described what happened next: Kennedy’s “goal was to delay or even stop the . . . pipeline that would increase Soviet oil exports. The embargo split the [NATO] alliance, with the United Kingdom being the most vocal against it; the pipeline was completed with only a slight delay, and the embargo was removed in 1966.” Tsafos quoted a colleague as noting that “one could argue that the pipe embargo caused more damage to US-European relations than to the Soviet economy.” That assessment, Tsafos noted, “applies to almost every transatlantic effort against Soviet and, later, Russian hydrocarbons.”

President Ronald Reagan came into office in 1981 determined to confront what he would come to call the “evil empireand quickly escalated tensions between Washington and Moscow. He revived the B-1 bomber program that had been canceled by the Carter Administration; announced that his Administration would invest billions in an anti-ballistic missile defense system; and deployed Pershing II missiles, capable of delivering a nuclear warhead, to West Germany. In a 1982 speech he talked of consigning the Soviet Union to “ash heap of history.”

Reagan, too, attempted to block a second Soviet pipeline that would run from Western Siberia to Western Europe. The West German government had approved the concept and agreed in principle to lend $4.75 billion to help finance it. Reagan offered to supply the West German government with coal and nuclear power if it would withdraw from its agreement with Moscow. The Germans said no. France subsequently signed a multi-million dollar contract with the Soviet Union for the purchase of the Siberian gas. The Reagan Administration responded by escalating the existing sanctions against American business support for the pipeline to include any foreign companies doing business with Russia. All such firms would be barred from doing any business with the United States.

Enter George Ball again, now just retired after many quiet years as a managing partner of Lehman Brothers in New York. He published an essay, “The Case Against Sanctions,” in the New York Times Magazine in the fall of 1982 that is eerily prescient of the anti-Russian views repeatedly voiced today by President Biden, Secretary of State Tony Blinken, National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, and Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland. 

“The Reagan Administration,” Ball wrote, “has now brought to the shaping of governmental decisions an ideological bias one might call the Manichaean Heresy. Present day Manichaeans espouse the doctrinal concept that Soviet Communism is the Antichrist—an evil element that must be extirpated if we are to have peace in the world. . . . [T]hat view is now shared by neo-conservative intellectuals. . . . As their major operational tactic, the Manicheans would have the United States seize every pretext to harass the Russians. . . .The Soviet economy is huge, the Soviet Union commands vast raw materials resources within its borders. . . . Niggling sanctions, no matter how persistently applied, could never prove more than a marginal nuisance. . . . With arrogance in inverse proportion to their own credentials of experience, Administration leaders are using crude methods to try to ride roughshod over the considered judgments and interests of allied governments, acting as though the United States had a monopoly of wisdom.”

Three decades later, in 2014, Vice President Joe Biden would reprise Reagan’s language and his fears of Russia’s gas and oil reserves in a speech to the Atlantic Council Energy and Economic Summit in Istanbul. Russia’s use of its energy was “a weapon undermining the security of nations,” he warned. “Here in Europe energy security is an especially vital regional security interest because of Russia’s track record in using the supply of energy as a foreign policy weapon.

“My message here,” Biden continued, “is not that Europe can or should do away with Russian imports. That is not the case at all. I have no doubt that Russia will and should remain a major source of energy supplies for Europe and the world . . . but it has to play by the rules of the game. It shouldn’t be able to use energy policy to play with the game.” Biden was warning Russia that it must play by America’s rules. Therein lie the seeds of the demise of the Nord Stream pipelines eight years later.

In his 1982 essay, Ball offered a future America what would be unheeded guidance about the way to deal with an unwanted Russian pipeline: “If our government thinks, for whatever reasons, that the pipeline is not a good idea, it should quietly urge that view on its allies and try to persuade them to pursue a different course; that is what alliances are all about.”

President Biden chose last September to ignore America’s European allies. More than that, he put those allies at risk of not being able to keep their people warm by approving the destruction of Nord Stream pipelines. He and his national security team did not have the courage or integrity to say what was done and why. At this point, barring a major defection among the few in the know, Biden and his aides will likely never admit the truth.

It is impossible to know, pending disclosures by the administration, why Biden chose that day to destroy the pipeline, but it is a fact that ten days earlier he had been indirectly mocked by Vladimir Putin during a press conference following a summit meeting of the Russian-sponsored Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Uzbekistan. Putin was asked about the rising price of natural gas throughout Europe, which was depicted as a consequence of the war he chose to start with Ukraine. Putin claimed that the energy crisis in Europe was not triggered by the war but was the result of what he called “the green agenda” and the shutting down of gas and oil facilities in response to environmental protests.

The Russian president then said if the West needs more gas “urgently . . . if things are so bad . . just go ahead and lift sanctions [that had been applied by the German government, with American approval] against Nord Stream 2 with its 55 billion cubic meters per year. All they have to do is press the button and they will get it going. But they chose to shut it off themselves . . . imposed sanctions against the new Nord Stream 2 and will not open it. Are we to blame for this? Let them [the West] think hard about who is to blame and let none of them blame us for their mistakes.”

Ball’s criticism of sanctions is little remembered now, but his courage in confronting Kennedy early on in the Vietnam War has lingered in the minds of a few senior Washington policymakers. While reporting for the New Yorker on the pernicious and secret foreign policy intrigues of Vice President Dick Cheney in the years after 9/11, I was called one afternoon by the secretary to Representative David Obey. The Democrat from Wisconsin was chairman of the House Committee on Appropriations, and he was unquestionably one the most important, and reclusive, members of Congress. He’d been in the House since 1969 and was one of those almost invisible representatives who made Congress what it should be. Obey was also one of four members of a subcommittee, two Democrats and two Republicans, with access to the CIA’s secrets—the findings on all covert operations that the agency under law has to provide to Congress. Obey’s message to me was very direct: he was reading in my dispatches about alleged covert operations that were not known to him. What happened next remains a private matter, but sometime after Obey retired in 2011, two years into Barack Obama’s first term, I made a point to get in contact with him.

Obey told me a story about George Ball of all people. It turned out that the memory of Ball’s willingness to confront Kennedy with an unwanted truth about the Vietnam War still burned brightly in some. Obey said that as a ranking Democratic member of the House he had been invited by Obama to a small meeting early in the new administration to discuss the ongoing war in Afghanistan. Obey told me that he had stayed quiet while generals and legislators discussed how many troops the new president should add to current levels. His worry was a matter of budget concerns. (The only hint of dissent voiced in the meeting, Obey recalled, had come from Joe Biden. This early caution foreshadowed Biden’s decision last year to admit defeat and pull the American military out of Afghanistan. It was a decision marred by poor planning, a lack of sufficient force, and a suicide bombing that killed thirteen American soldiers in the evacuation process.) 

As the meeting ended, Obey said, he asked the president if he had a moment for a quick chat. Obey warned Obama that expanding the Afghan War “would crowd out [from the budget] large portions of your domestic program—except perhaps health care.” He asked the new president if he remembered the White House recordings of Lyndon Johnson in the days after the assassination of Kennedy that were released a few years earlier and had become constant Saturday morning public radio fodder. Obama did. Did the president remember Johnson’s talk within a few months after the he took office with Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, the conservative head of the Armed Services Committee, in which both men acknowledged that adding more troops in Vietnam, then sought by the U.S. commanders in Saigon, would not help the war effort and could even lead to a disastrous war with China? Johnson also worried, he told Russell, that many thousands of American soldiers would die in the jungles of Southeast Asia. Again Obama said yes, he remembered those exchanges. Obey then asked Obama, “Who’s your George Ball?” There was silence. “Either the president chose not to answer,” the disappointed Obey told me, “or he did not have one.” With that question the conversation was over. Obama subsequently authorized an increase of 30,000 troops for the war.

Refute the Evil. Live the Joy. Share the Hope. merlin

My Fifty Years With Dan Ellsberg

the man who changed America by Seymour Hersh 03/7/23, written for you aging historians still desirous for the rest of the story…

I think it best that I begin with the end. On March 6, I and dozens of Dan’s friends and fellow activists received a two-page notice that he had been diagnosed with incurable pancreatic cancer and was refusing chemotherapy because the prognosis, even with chemo, was dire. He will be ninety-two in April.

Last November, over a Thanksgiving holiday spent with family in Berkeley, I drove a few miles to visit Dan at the home in neighboring Kensington he has shared for decades with his wife Patricia. My intent was to yack with him for a few hours about our mutual obsession, Vietnam. More than fifty years later, he was still pondering the war as a whole, and I was still trying to understand the My Lai massacre. I arrived at 10 am and we spoke without a break—no water, no coffee, no cookies—until my wife came to fetch me, and to say hello and visit with Dan and Patricia. She left, and I stayed a few more minutes with Dan, who wanted to show me his library of documents that could have gotten him a long prison term. Sometime around 6 pm—it was getting dark—Dan walked me to my car, and we continued to chat about the war and what he knew—oh, the things he knew—until I said I had to go and started the car. He then said, as he always did, “You know I love you, Sy.”

So this is a story about a tutelage that began in the summer of 1972, when Dan and I first connected. I have no memory of who called whom, but I was then at the New York Times and Dan had some inside information on White House horrors he wanted me to chase down—stuff that had not been in the Pentagon Papers. 

I was planning to write about my friendship with Dan after he passed away but last weekend my youngest son reminded me that he still had some of the magic trick materials that Dan had delighted him with in the mid-1980s, when Dan was crashing with our family, as he often did when visiting Washington. “Why not write about him now?” he asked. Why not? 

I first learned of Dan’s importance in the summer of 1971, when he was outed for delivering the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times a few weeks after the newspaper began a series of shattering stories about the disconnect between what we were told and what really had been going on. Those papers remain today the most vital discussion of a war from the inside. Even after the New York Times exposures, their seven thousand pages would be rarely read in full.

I was then working for the New Yorker on a Vietnam project and had learned that it was Dan who did the leaking a week or so before his name became public. His outing was inevitable, and on June 26, after hiding out in Cambridge, Dan strolled to the U.S Attorney’s office in Boston—there were scores of journalists waiting—and had a brief chat with the reporters before turning himself in for what all expected would be the trial of the decade. He told the crowd that he hoped that “the truth will free us of this war.” And then, as he fought his way to the courthouse steps, a reporter asked him how he felt about going to prison. His response struck me then and still makes me tingle: “Wouldn’t you go to prison to help end this war?”

I had done my bit in exposing the My Lai massacre and publishing a book about it in 1970. I was then in the process of writing a second book on the Army’s cover-up of the slaughter. “Hell, no,” I thought to myself, “No way I would go to jail—especially for telling an unwanted truth.” I followed Ellsberg’s subsequent trial in a Los Angeles federal court and even wrote about the wrongdoing of the White House creeps who broke into the office of Ellsberg’s psychoanalyst—at the request of President Nixon. (The government’s case was thrown out after the extent of the White House-ordered spying on Ellsberg became public.)

It was early in the election year summer of 1972 when Ellsberg and I got in touch with each other. I was banging away on the losing Vietnam war and CIA misdeeds for the Times. Nixon looked like a sure thing, despite continuing the hated war, because of stumble after stumble for the campaign of the Democratic nominee, Senator George McGovern. Dan had two stories that he thought could change the dynamics of the November election.

I liked him right off the bat. He was so earnest, so bright, as handsome as a movie star, and so full of the kind of inside information about the Vietnam War that few others had. And so willing to share them with no worry about the consequences. He understood that as the source of highly secret information and procedures he was taking all the risks and that as a reporter I was going to write stories that would get acclaim and put me at no risk. At some point in our chats, I brought him home for a good meal. His campaign against the Vietnam War was literally consuming him, and he immediately engaged with my wife and our two small children. He did magic tricks, he was marvelous on the piano—Dan could play the Beatles and Beethoven—and he connected with all of us. Our friendship was locked in—forever. I confess that late at night—we were both night owls—he and I would walk the dog and find time to sit on a curb somewhere and smoke a few Thai sticks. How Dan always managed to have a supply of these joints from Southeast Asia I chose not to ask. He would talk about all the sealed and locked secret files of the Vietnam War that he could recall, with his photographic memory, in near perfect detail.

In the early 1980s I was writing a long and very critical book about Henry Kissinger’s sordid days as Nixon’s national security adviser and secretary of State, with a focus on Vietnam. At one point, Dan spent more than a week in our home, rising at 6 am to read the 2,300 pages of typed manuscript. He understood that I did not want his analyses or disagreements with my conclusions, but only factual errors. One morning Dan told me I had misread a mid-1960s Washington Post piece on the war by Joe Kraft, whose column was then a must-read. I argued, and he was adamant. So I drove downtown to my office, dug through boxes of files and found the column. Dan had remembered the details of a two-decade-old column in a daily newspaper. His memory was scary.

There were two White House abuses he wanted me to expose before the presidential election in the fall of 1972. Dan told me that Nixon and Kissinger—for whom Dan had written an important early policy paper he was appointed national security adviser—had been wiretapping aides and cabinet members. The second tip Dan had for me was that Kissinger had ordered some of his aides to produce a plan for using tactical nuclear weapons in South Vietnam, in case they were needed to end the war on American terms. If I could get one or two sources—by this time there were a number of former Kissinger aides who had quietly resigned over the Vietnam War—on the record, Dan said, it just might get the Democrats into office. It was the longest of long shots, but I tried like hell all summer to find someone who had firsthand information, as Dan did not, and who was willing to confirm Dan’s information, even if on background. Of course, it was understood I would have to tell Abe Rosenthal, executive editor of the Times, who my off-the-record source was.

It was a lousy summer for me, because there were a few former Kissinger aides who easily confirmed Dan’s information, but would not agree to my providing their names to the Times. In one case, with a very decent guy who very much hoped he would get a senior job in a future administration, I came close, aided by the fact that his wife—I always conducted such visits at night—said to her husband, “Oh, for God’s sakes just tell him the truth.” She said it over and over. Talk about a painful experience. Needless to say, their marriage did not last long. The wife’s anger that the truth was not being told helped me understand Dan’s obsession with a war whose worst elements were simply not known to the public. I wasn’t able to get any source on the record in time for the election, but in subsequent years I did get the stories. 

There was one story Dan told me in late 1993 that seemed to capture the secret life on the inside of a major war. He had gone back and forth on short missions to South Vietnam while working as a senior State Department official, but he jumped at a chance in mid-1965 to join a team in Saigon committed to pacification—winning hearts and minds—of the villagers in the South. Its leader was Ed Lansdale, a CIA hero of counterinsurgency for his earlier efforts in routing communist insurgents in the Philippines.

I always took good notes in my meetings with Dan, not because I planned to write about him at some point—I knew he would write his own memoirs—but because I was getting a seminar on how things really worked on the inside. Read his words, and you can judge for yourself how complicated life could be at the top.

“In 1965,” Dan began, “I had done a study of the Cuban missile crisis and I had four operational clearances above top secret, including U-2 clearances” and National Security Agency clearances. He had also interviewed Bobby Kennedy two times about his role in the crisis. Ellsberg’s clearances were so sacrosanct that he was supposed to register in a special office upon arrival in Saigon and from then on he would not be allowed to travel outside of Saigon without an armored car or in a two-engine airplane or better. He got around the system by not deigning to register, a rarity in a world of war where top secret clearances were seen by many as evidence of machismo.

And so Ellsberg went off to work in Saigon with Lansdale. “For one and one half years,” Ellsberg said, “I spent nearly every evening listening to Lansdale talk about his covert operations in the Philippines and earlier in North Vietnam in the 1950s. By this time I’d been working with secrets for years and thought I knew what kind of secrets could be kept from whom. I also thought Ed and I had a good working knowledge of each other and our secrets. Every piece of information was cataloged in your mind and you knew to whom you could say and what you could say. In all of this, Jack Kennedy was mentioned and so was Bobby, but there was no mention by Lansdale of Cuba and no mention that Lansdale had ever worked for Jack and Bobby Kennedy.” 

A decade later, after both Kennedy brothers had been assassinated, I wrote a series for the New York Times on the CIA’s spying on hundreds of thousands of American anti-Vietnam war protesters, members of Congress and reporters—all in direct violation of the agency’s 1947 charter barring any domestic activity. It led to the establishment of the Senate’s Church Committee in 1975. It was the most extensive Congressional inquiry into the activities of the CIA since the agency’s beginning. The committee exposed the assassination activities of the CIA, operations undertaken on orders that clearly came from Jack and Bobby Kennedy, although no direct link was published in the committee’s final report. But the committee reported extensively on a secret group authorized by Jack Kennedy and run by his brother Bobby to come up with options to terrorize Cuba and assassinate Fidel Castro. The covert operation had the code name Mongoose. And it was led, the committee reported, in 1961 and 1962 by Ed Lansdale.

Ellsberg told me he was flabbergasted. “When I heard about Lansdale and Mongoose,” he said, “it revealed to me an ability to keep secrets on an insider level that went far beyond what I had imagined. It was like discovering your next-door neighbor and your weekend fishing companion”—Ellsberg, it should be noted, never went fishing in his life—“and close, dear friend who, when he died, turned out to have been the secretary of State.

“It was astounding, because Mongoose was exactly the kind of operation I’d expected to hear about from Lansdale. He told about covert operations all the time. I think Ed had been told by President Kennedy to ‘keep his fucking mouth shut.’

“When you’ve been in a system with as high a level as possible of secrecy, you understand that things do get talked about. And you get a sense of what is usually held back. I was hearing all about other covert operations, but somebody—not Landsdale—had put a lid on Mongoose.”

After the assassination of Jack Kennedy, Ellsberg theorized, “any far reaching investigation into his death would have to lead to many covert operations.” His point was that there was no evidence that the Warren Commission set up to investigate the assassination had done so.

In all of Dan’s many hours of tutoring, as I understood years later, he understood and empathized with my eagerness—even my need—to learn all that I could about his world of secrets and lies, things said out loud and hidden in top-secret documents. And so he happily became my tutor and taught me where and how to look inside the recessed corners of the American intelligence community.

In return, I gave him my friendship and welcomed him into my family. He loved long talks with my wife, a doctor, teaching the kids magic tricks, and playing Billy Joel songs and similar stuff on the piano for them. We all sensed early on that there was a need for him to be an innocent kid, too, if only to serve as a brief respite from his constant anxiety and the guilt he carried in his soul about what his America had done to the Vietnamese people.

Dan was showing me an insider’s love, just as he and Patricia radiated love and acceptance to all their many friends and admirers who, like me, will never forget the lessons he taught us and what we learned. 

No way I’m going to wait for him to move along without saying what I want to say right now.

To watch Ellsberg speaking to a press conference on New Year’s Eve 1971, click here. To watch the 2009 documentary on Ellsberg, The Most Dangerous Man in America, click here.

Seymour Hersh is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Historical Roots of Our Beloved Doxology

I will give thanks to Thee, O Lord my God, with all my heart, and will glorify Thy name forever. Psalms 86:12

It’s been a productive week here on the blog, hopefully being purposeful, intentional, informative, reflective, sourcing both healing and renewal, and as always, to offer praise and worship to our Triune God. I’ve been told “the Father begets, the Son is begotten, and the Holy Spirit presides,” which I learned after I did due diligence this morning on the “Doxology” whose words are below:

Praise God from whom all blessings flow;

praise Him, all creatures here below;

praise Him above, ye heavenly host;

praise Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen.

These lines are likely the most sung words now for more than 300 years in congregations. Perhaps the Doxology has been more instrumental in teaching the doctrine of the Trinity than all theology books ever written. More than a hymn, Christ-Followers regard it as an offering or sacrifice of praise for God’s continual flow of blessings to us the past week, but even millenniums.

Too often as a child, I remember the Doxology marked the climax of a long Sunday morning sermon signaling the final march of the pastor to the rear door to encourage or admonish those in attendance, at least those who chose not to skip out the other doors. I just realized how this concluding church routine is all is so similar to the stadium antics with the national anthem being sung immediately prior to the teams taking the field. We boys too, took to the parking lot when the Doxology concluded as the pastor simultaneously pivoted at the rear door. Of course, we all clamored for the other exits, and no, there was definitely no sports gear present!

Perhaps your memories with the Doxology are similar, or maybe, you’re totally clueless. However, of interest to us keen on history, is that the author was a bold, perhaps brash, outspoken 17th century Anglican bishop named Thomas Ken (1637-1711). Orphaned, he was raised by his older sister and her husband, Izaak Walton, noted for his classic The Compleat Angler. A scholar at Winchester College, he spent most of his life intertwined with Winchester, both College and Cathedral. There the small statured prelate, through his preaching and music, sought to uplift the spiritual lives of his students.

His illustrious career was stormy and colorful. For a short while he served as the English chaplain at the royal court in the Hague, Holland, but being so outspoken in denouncing the corrupt lives of those in authority at the Dutch capital, he was sent home. Evidently by then, Dutch anabaptists were enjoying the ensuing Dutch Renaissance’s economic prosperity that followed their earlier reformational persecution, as they were already perfecting their later popular stance of being the “quiet in the land,” or at least, in their pew.

Thomas Ken however, upon returning to England, continued to reveal the same spirit of boldness in rebuking the moral sins of his dissolute monarch. Despite this, King Charles II always admired his courageous chaplain, reminding me of biblical Daniel who uniquely I believed served three leadership regimes during his captivity, and always, was admirably capable! Perhaps the question begging to be asked today, is why is the church discouraging our brightest and best from seeking to fill responsible positions as Daniel did so well? Even the NYC mayor, Eric Adams is trying. See below.

Bishop Ken was lauded by historian Macaulay with this tribute: “He came as near to the ideal of Christian perfection as human weakness permits.” See Kenneth W Osbeck, comp., Amazing Grace: 366 Hymn Stories for Personal Devotions, (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications , 1990) p. 342.  

Indeed, a most worthy or envious epitaph, especially during this moment of historical chaos, likely as during Bishop Ken’s life. Reminds me of the clip sent me yesterday of NYC mayor Eric Adams speech this past Tuesday at an interfaith prayer breakfast. I wonder if they concluded with the Doxology? Click the link below to learn more.

I’m thinking perhaps a similar fire was/is present in their bellies? All three were simply obedient, forgiven, transformed, and empowered to disciple TODAY! If you can, sing the Doxology today with gusto, whether during the commute or in your shower! Live the Joy! It’s our privilege, even our mandate.

Does It Have To Take A War?

For you history buffs, many of us lived through these events as are brought to life today in his post, “Does It Take A War” by Seymour Hersh. But, for too many on the deck of life today who did not, and are now without historical moorings, in conjunction with his post I suggest you must read Romans 8: 22-39 from your favorite version to facilitate your internal moorings with His perspective, as that is the only one that will count in the end. Seriously! FYI, I prefer The Message Version here. Here’s Seymour:

There is an inevitable gap between what a president tells us about a war—even a proxy war—and the reality on the ground. It is true today as Joe Biden struggles for public support for the war in Ukraine, and it was true six decades ago as Jack Kennedy struggled to understand the war he chose to pursue in South Vietnam.

Early 1962 was a critical time for President John F. Kennedy. After his image and leadership had been tarnished by the Bay of Pigs disaster three months into his term, he had decided that he must make a stand in South Vietnam and confront the spread of communism there. The president spent the rest of 1961 secretly increasing American defoliation, bombing, and the number of US troops inside South Vietnam. His fight against international communism was on. His foil was Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, who had overwhelmed the young president at a summit meeting on June 4, 1961, with his knowledge, toughness, and lack of respect for Kennedy’s floundering in Cuba. “So he just beat the hell out of me,” the president later told New York Times columnist James Reston.

Nonetheless, America was smitten by the glitz and glamor of Jack and Jackie and their life inside the White House, with parties and social events that brought together the best America had to offer from the worlds of music, the arts, and the academy. So it was that David Herbert Donald, the most prominent Lincoln scholar of his time, found himself asked to give a private briefing in the White House. The small group he addressed—it numbered no more than twenty—included longtime friends of the president and some key members of his government. Donald would be the guest of the president and his wife. He was delighted.

Donald, who had won a Pulitzer Prize that year for his work on the Civil War, wrote a long chatty letter to an old friend a few weeks later about his night at the White House. I learned of the meeting during the 1990s while researching a book on the Kennedy Administration. Donald sent me a copy then of the letter, but urged me to publish very little of it in my book. I did what he asked. Donald died in 2009, after decades of teaching American history at Harvard University, and I’d like to think he would have approved of my quoting it at greater length here.

Donald reported in the letter that he talked for forty minutes about the difficulties of Reconstruction after the Civil War, and the trouble he and other historians were having, as he wrote, “in writing a new synthesis of the period.” There was a long period of chatter, with both the president and his wife Jacqueline actively participating. “Mrs. Kennedy,” Donald reported, was “extremely simple and unassuming, very young, very shy, and a little unsure of herself. . . . That radiant beauty which appears in her photographs and in her television appearances is not apparent, but she strikes me as an enthusiastic and highly intelligent young woman.”

The letter went on: “The President himself, too is far less handsome than his pictures. . . . The boyish look which his photographs give him is simply not there. . . . [H]e led off the questioning and continued very active in the discussion throughout; and afterward we had a long, private discussion. It is clear that this is a man determined to go down in our history books as a great President, and he wants to know the secret.

“One thing he said troubled me considerably,” Donald wrote. In discussing the great presidents, Kennedy “asked whether, in sum, did [it] not take a war to put a man in that category? I firmly denied this. He seemed to agree and, since he is bent on being a great President, I hope he really did.”

In a brief telephone conversation I had with Donald in 1996, two decades after the American debacle in Vietnam, the professor expressed far more concern about Kennedy’s view of greatness. He told me that Kennedy was fascinated with Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt because “he thought to be a great President you had to be a wartime President. That was scary to me. I came away feeling that this was a young man who doesn’t understand history.”

Donald’s chat with Kennedy came—as the professor could not have known at the time—at a crucial early moment in Vietnam. The president had continued moving, in secret, to increase dramatically the number of American military men flooding in the South under the guise of special advisors. He also was fascinated by the derring-do of those who fought in World War II in undercover units organized by the Office of Strategic Services. OSS agents often worked in enemy zones in Europe and Asia with partisans and guerrillas. The head of intelligence for the State Department at the time was Roger Hilsman, an army officer who saw combat and later served undercover with the OSS in Burma. After the war, Hilsman joined the newly formed Central Intelligence Agency. He left the Agency to get a doctorate in political science at Yale University. Now, in the early days of the Kennedy Administration, he had special caché at the State Department. He had been wounded in battle and was part of a team that liberated American prisoners, including his own father, from a Japanese prisoner of war camp.

With his experience, confidence, and academic credentials, Hilsman became a favorite of the president and his brother Robert, the attorney general, and both became avid supporters of an innovative solution that Hilsman was advocating. The plan promised to resolve a vexing issue of the war: how to separate the anti-government and pro-communist guerrilla fighters known as the Viet Cong from the peasant villagers who, willingly or not, provided them with food, protection and support. Known as the Strategic Hamlet Program, the concept won immediate approval from the US and South Vietnamese military as well from those Americans seeking more social programs for the peasantry. “It was Kennedy’s last hope for winning hearts and minds,” I was told years ago by an American intelligence expert. The historian Christian G. Appy, in American Reckoning, an incisive study of the limits of American exceptionalism, described the project that emerged as “a coercive plan that forced villagers off their land and relocated them in armed camps. . . . What they [Kennedy, Hilsman and the White House advisors] did not take into account was how the villagers might feel about being forcibly removed from their ancestral lands and stuck in fortified compounds behind barbed wire.”

I had learned firsthand about the ignorance and cruelty of forced peasant relocation while reporting on the My Lai massacre in 1969. The massacre had taken place in March of 1968 and most of the GIs involved had finished their tour of duty in the war and were back home—at work, in school, or doing nothing. The Strategic Hamlet Program was long gone but villagers in some contested areas were still being forced off their lands into resettlement areas to enable the American military to slaughter all who refused to leave with impunity. The evacuated areas were designated Free Fire Zones. My Lai was not such an area. Some of the GIs who had participated in the murders and rapes at My Lai justified their brutality by telling me, with much contempt, about how the mothers in Vietnam, when being evacuated from their native villages, insisted on being the first to hop onto the waiting helicopters. I was told again and again by GIs, who had grown up in a culture that called for children to go first, that they had to beat the mothers—sometimes violently with the butts of their rifles—to allow the children to board first. None of the GIs had been told that in Vietnamese society the mother always crosses a new threshold first, to assure that all who follow will be safe. 

The Strategic Hamlet Program was a disastrous, and mysterious, failure for the young Kennedy Administration, and it hardened the resolve of the peasant population against the American interlopers. Jack Kennedy did not live long enough to learn that a major reason for the program’s demise was the work of a South Vietnamese army colonel named Pham Ngoc Thao, who had fought against the French with the nationalist and communist Viet Minh after World War II. Thao was one of eleven children born into a highly respected Roman Catholic family that held French citizenship, but joined the successful post-World War II opposition to the French led by Ho Chi Minh. Thao’s religion and social background, and his military leadership in the war against the French, made him attractive to President Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, and his brother, Ngo Dinh Nhu, who ran the secret police. Thao was a logical choice to run the new American-endorsed and financed resettlement project for the nation’s Buddhist peasants.

It would not be known until after his assassination in 1965 that Thao had been one of North Vietnam’s most successful sleeper agents, one of many who had been infiltrated into the South’s military and political leadership. One of his first moves as overseer of the Strategic Hamlet Program was to rush the construction of the new villages. They were poorly built and poorly defended. Thao also ensured that the hated villages were placed in areas that were open to Viet Cong encroachment or attack with little fear of interference by the South Vietnamese army.

Jack Kennedy’s hopeful relocation project was doomed, as he could not know, even as he explained his view of presidential leadership, over cognac and a cigar, to an increasingly troubled Professor Donald. The setting—in the private family quarters of the White House—was dramatic, but in terms of the reality of the war then underway the two men could have been chatting in the captain’s quarters on the Titanic as the ship neared the ice flows.

Our current president, and his foreign policy team, in their unwillingness to seek an immediate ceasefire in the war between Vladimir Putin’s Russia and a NATO-backed Ukraine, could be on the same boat.

The Biden Administration is feeling no pressure from Congress or the American mainstream media about its fervid political, economic, and political support for Ukraine in its ongoing war against Russia. But protests and public anxiety over the war are surging in Germany, along with polls showing dwindling public support for Biden’s policy. Last weekend there were noisy anti-war rallies in Berlin, with crowds estimated at 13,000 by the police and 50,000 by the protest organizers. A “Manifesto for Peace” calling on German officials to halt the flow of weapons to Ukraine attracted 650,000 signatures in two weeks.

The clock is ticking.

https://open.substack.com/pub/seymourhersh/p/does-it-take-a-war?r=690o5&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=email

Out There, Away From the Noise

By Erick-Woods Erickson Feb 25, Confessions of a Political Junkie.

Joy Behar thinks the people of East Palestine, OH got what they deserve because they voted for Trump. The National Transportation Safety Board says the braking regulation rolled back under congressional pressure by Donald Trump would not actually have impacted the derailment. It was a different issue. But Behar does not care. She does not like those people because they voted for Trump.

Adam Wren, the Politico reporter who exposed a Republican congressional candidate’s sexual assault against her will, posted a tweet with “scenes from East Palestine” and it was four pictures of pro-Trump, right-wing sentiment. It seemed to be in the “they got what they deserved” vein of Behar’s sentiment. Why were those pictures relevant to a disaster?

Over the past few weeks, left wing groups have trotted out a series of “studies” that “red states” get more federal government subsidization, have worse standards of living, have more crime, etc. Each another drip in smug justification to hate the people who vote differently, often with skewed framing and data to get the results just right.

Marjorie Taylor Greene wants her national divorce. The serial adulteress is holding herself out as the patron saint of Christian Nationalism in America. I’m guessing she’s all for it so long as the millstones aren’t brought back. She hates the left. The left hates her. They are two sides of the same coin.

There’s a small mindedness in these fights and a common thread is how very online so many of these people are. They don’t think the United States is great. They don’t think we are capable of taking care of ourselves and others. They have given up on each other, on their nation, and on a future that is better than yesterday.

Offline, driving across America, from red state to blue and purple and back, you have to work to really find people who want to break apart the country and not help those in need because of who they voted for. It’s easy to find online and hard to find out there where the people actually are.

“We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature,” Abraham Lincoln said in his in his first inaugural address. His words could not keep the country together for a time, but he fought like hell to keep it together.

Victory in sight, four years later, he said in his second inaugural, “With malice toward none with charity for all with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right let us strive on to finish the work we are in to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan ~ to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace…”.

We could all use more grace and charity towards each other to think differently, vote differently, work differently, live differently, and still be American together. We should listen to our better angels and not the people who entertain through national dissection.

And into this environment, a series of candidates will come on stage for 2024. I hope they embrace America for all, not just America for their supporters. Out there, away from the noise and the constant tweets, Americans love America and their neighbors. Our leaders, on both sides, should remind us of that instead of stirring the divisions.

merlin now:

So, considering Erick’s words and prodding you for your response, the question begging to be asked, “What could/should be the churches response? OR, their responsibility? Consider these three verses form the Sermon on the Mount from Matthew 5 from the MSG; actually all three chapters, 5 through 7.

[8] “You’re blessed when you get your inside world— your mind and heart— put right. Then you can see God in the outside world.

[9] “You’re blessed when you can show people how to cooperate instead of compete or fight. That’s when you discover who you really are, and your place in God’s family.

[10] “You’re blessed when your commitment to God provokes persecution. The persecution drives you even deeper into God’s kingdom. …

FYI, speaking of being away from all the noise, the clip below highlights “White Noise,” a movie released last fall, occurring even in the same town, eerily similar to the events in the Palestine OH tragedy that unfolded February 3. Simply more dysfunction? Family? Mechanical? OR?

https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/films/news/white-noise-netflix-movie-about-train-derailment-b2283419.html

More Damming Evidence On Norway’s Complicity Taking Out Nord Stream…

Time to Pay Attention Folks! For such times as this I really do miss Paul Harvey and his “And Now For the Rest of the Story.” But rest assured, the two recent Seymour Hersh’s news clips I posted are now elevating Paul Harvey’s original concept several Quantum Leaps; and just-in-time-too! Do not be deceived. Truth ultimately prevails!

Lyndon B. Johnson delivering his televised report on the Gulf of Tonkin incident, August 4, 1964.

Why Norway? In my account of the Biden Administration’s decision to destroy the Nord Stream pipelines, why did much of the secret planning and training for the operation take place in Norway? And why were highly skilled seamen and technicians from the Norwegian Navy involved?

The simple answer is that the Norwegian Navy has a long and murky history of cooperation with American intelligence. Five months ago that teamwork—about which we still know very little—resulted in the destruction of two pipelines, on orders of President Biden, with international implications yet to be determined. And six decades ago, so the histories of those years have it, a small group of Norwegian seamen were entangled in a presidential deceit that led to an early—and bloody—turning point in the Vietnam war.

After the Second World War, ever prudent Norway invested heavily in the construction of large, heavily armed fast attack boats to defend its 1,400 miles of Atlantic Ocean coastline. These vessels were far more effective than the famed American PT boat that was ennobled in many a postwar movie. These boats were known as “Nasty-class,” for their powerful gunnery, and some of them were sold to the US Navy. According to reporting in Norway, by early 1964 at least two Norwegian sailors confessed to their involvement in CIA-led clandestine attacks along the North Vietnam coast. Other reports, never confirmed, said the Norwegian patrol boats where manned by Norwegian officers and crew. What was not in dispute was that the American goal was to put pressure on the leadership in North Vietnam to lessen its support of the anti-American guerrillas in South Vietnam. The strategy did not work.

None of this was known at the time to the American public. And the Norwegians would keep the secret for decades. The CIA’s lethal game of cat-and-mouse warfare led to a failed attack on August 2, 1964, with three North Vietnamese gunships engaging two American destroyers—the USS Maddox and the USS Turner Joy—on a large body of contested water known as the Gulf of Tonkin that straddled both North and South Vietnam.

Two days later, with the destroyers still intact, the commander of the Maddox cabled his superiors that he was under a torpedo attack. It was a false alarm, and he soon rescinded the report. But the American signals intelligence community—under pressure from Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, who was doing President Johnson’s bidding—looked the other way as McNamara ignored the second cableand Johnson told the American public there was evidence that North Vietnam had attacked an American destroyer. Johnson and McNamara had found a way to take the war to North Vietnam. 

Johnson’s nationally televised speech on the evening of August 4, 1964, is chilling in its mendacity, especially when one knows what was to come.

“This new act of aggression,” he said, “aimed directly at our own forces, again brings home to all of us in the United States the importance of the struggle for peace and security in Southeast Asia. Aggression by terror against the peaceful villagers of South Vietnam has now been joined by open aggression on the high seas against the United States of America.” 

Public anger swelled, and Johnson authorized the first American bombing of the North. A few days later Congress passed the Tonkin Gulf Resolution with only two dissenting votes, giving the president the right to deploy American troops and use military force in South Vietnam in any manner he chose. And so it went on for the next eleven years, with 58,000 American deaths and millions of Vietnamese deaths to come.

The Norwegian navy, as loyal allies in the Cold War, stayed mum, and over the next few years, according to further reporting in Norway, sold eighteen more of their Nasty Class patrol boats to the U.S. Navy. Six were destroyed in combat.

In 2001, Robert J. Hanyok, a historian at the National Security Agency, published Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds, and the Flying Fish: The Gulf of Tonkin Mystery, 2–4 August 1964,a definitive study of the events in the gulf, including the manipulation of signals intelligence. He revealed that 90 percent of the relevant intercepts, including those from the North Vietnamese, had been kept out the NSA’s final reports on the encounter and thus were not provided to the Congressional committees that later investigated the abuse that led America deeper into the Vietnam War.

That is the public record as it stands. But, as I have learned from a source in the US intelligence community, there is much more to know. The first batch of Norwegian patrol boats meant for the CIA’s undeclared war against the North Vietnamese actually numbered six. They landed in early 1964 at a Vietnamese naval base in Danang, eighty-five miles south of the border between North and South Vietnam. The ships had Norwegian crews and Norwegian Navy officers as their captains. The declared mission was to teach American and Vietnamese sailors how to operate the ships. The vessels were under the control of a long-running CIA-directed series of attacks against coastal targets inside North Vietnam. The secret operation was controlled by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington and not by the American command in Saigon, which was then headed by Army General William Westmoreland. That shift was deemed essential because there was another aspect of the undeclared war against the North that was sacrosanct. US Navy SEALs were assigned to the mission with a high-priority list of far more aggressive targets that included heavily defended North Vietnamese radar facilities.

It was a secret war within a secret war. I was told that at least two SEALs were ambushed by the North Vietnamese and severely wounded in a fire fight. Both men managed to make their way to the coast and were eventually rescued. Both men were awarded the Medal of Honor, America’s highest decoration, in secret.

There also were far less dramatic movements as the war unraveled. At some later date, it was decided to arm bats with incendiary devices and drop them, by air, over areas of high interest in the south. The release came at high altitude, and the bats quickly froze to death.

This bit of top secret and heretofore unknown history raises, to this reporter, an obvious question: what else do we not know about the secret operation in Norway that led to the destruction of the pipelines? And is there anyone in the Senate and the House, or in the American press, interested in finding out what was going on—and what else we do not know?

 The link below opens the video clips for your review and start your seven day free trial.

https://open.substack.com/pub/seymourhersh/p/from-the-gulf-of-tonkin-to-the-baltic?r=690o5&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=email

How America Took Out the Nord Stream Pipeline

Seymour Hersh Feb 8, 2023

The New York Times called it a “mystery,” but the United States executed a covert sea operation that was kept secret—until now. Seymour Hersh Feb 8

I’ve been busy and unavailable to blog. Some of you may not yet be familiar with these details. Isn’t it unique how truth usually prevails? Be it good, bad, perhaps even ugly! Click the link below to read.

https://seymourhersh.substack.com/p/how-america-took-out-the-nord-stream

AI interface ChatGPT released 11/30/22. SO WHAT?

FEBRUARY 2023SCIENCE, NATURE & TECHNOLOGY

A.I. Yai-Yai

A.I. Yai-Yai

Tech Commentary 

by James B. Meigs

Fans of 2001 and the Terminator movies aren’t the only people worried about artificial intelligence. In 2014, Elon Musk (no enemy of technology) told the Guardian he thought artificial intelligence might be “our biggest existential threat.” Researchers developing AI systems could be “summoning the demon,” he said. Well, now the demon is here, and it wants to say hi. On November 30, 2022, the conversational AI interface ChatGPT was made available to the public. Today, anyone can ask it to write poems, explain quantum physics, compose letters, write computer code, or do their homework. Is this a good thing?

Throughout history, technological innovations—from the mechanical loom to the automobile to the microchip—have disrupted societies even as they brought enormous advantages.

Conservatives generally look askance at sweeping changes that upset the social order. At the same time, they tend to support advances that empower the individual. So should conservatives celebrate the democratization of this world-changing breakthrough? Or should they be standing athwart history yelling stop?

Here’s my take:

Artificial intelligence has the potential to bring numerous benefits to society, and conservatives should embrace it as a valuable tool for improving economic growth, national security, social welfare, and personal freedom. One reason conservatives should embrace AI is its ability to create new industries and job opportunities, and to enhance the performance of existing businesses. Another is its potential to enhance national security. AI can be used to improve situational awareness and decision-making in a variety of contexts, such as detecting and responding to potential threats. Finally, AI can be used to automate tasks and make our lives easier, freeing up time and resources for other pursuits. This can enhance personal freedom and allow individuals to pursue their own interests and passions.

Does this take on AI strike you as somewhat rote? A bit mechanical even? Well congratulate yourself. You have just demonstrated a skill we will all need to cherish from this day forward: the ability to tell when the person talking to you is actually a machine. Because I did not write the paragraph above. Those serviceable if pedestrian sentiments were generated by ChatGPT after I typed in the prompt: “Please explain why conservatives should embrace AI.” (I condensed it slightly.)

You’ve probably been hearing a lot about ChatGPT in the past few weeks. The brainy chatbot is just the latest platform made public by the AI research group OpenAI. Spurred in part by worries about the risks of artificial intelligence, Musk and the young tech-startup guru Sam Altman co-founded the firm as a nonprofit in 2015. The founders hoped that OpenAI’s research would promote a kind non-demonic “friendly AI.” Musk left the company in 2018, leaving Altman as CEO. Investment money poured in from Microsoft and others, and today OpenAI is an amalgam of nonprofit and profit-making divisions. But the organization’s stated mission remains “to ensure that artificial general intelligence (AGI)—by which we mean highly autonomous systems that outperform humans at most economically valuable work—benefits all of humanity.”

The artificial general intelligence that OpenAI describes in its mission statement doesn’t actually exist today. AI pioneer IBM defines it as “a theoretical form of AI where a machine would have an intelligence equaled to humans; it would have a self-aware consciousness that has the ability to solve problems, learn, and plan for the future.” This is the kind of capability, often called “Strong AI,” that scares the bejeezus out most of us. Do we really want our digital servants to be self-aware and planning for the future? What future? Are there humans in it? ChatGPT and other current AI systems are nowhere near that level of competence. Still, they can get close enough to be a little creepy.

It’s important to understand that even basic AI systems are much more than super-powerful computers; they are super-powerful computers that can learn. ChatGPT and similar systems employ a partially self-directed approach known as deep learning. If you want an AI system to learn the difference between cats and dogs, for example, you feed it thousands of pictures labeled “cat” and thousands of pictures tagged “dog” and let the system figure out the features that distinguish the two groups. Then you show it more pictures of cats and dogs and have a human operator tell the computer whether it identified them correctly. With enough cycles through this process, AI systems can get incredibly good at tasks like, say, identifying a tree from the image of a single leaf.

For an AI system designed to communicate with humans, the best way to learn is by interacting with as many people as possible. That’s why it makes sense for OpenAI to make ChatGPT available to the public. AI systems have been around for years, used in everything from credit card fraud detection to the Google Lens image-identification app. But OpenAI’s platforms are among the first to give nonprofessionals the ability to create content using AI tools. Within less than a week, ChatGPT was attracting a million users a day. And with each interaction, the system gets smarter. For now, the platform is available for free. But perhaps not for long. “We will have to monetize it somehow at some point,” Altman recently warned, noting that the cost of crunching all that data is “eye-watering.” 

ChatGPT has already begun disrupting established fields. The system is especially good at writing the kind of workaday prose that constitutes most written communication: business memos, simple news stories, student reports. “We are witnessing the end of the college essay in real time,” Google strategist Cory Wang writes. Feed ChatGPT a typical essay question, Wang shows, and it will crank out “solid A- work in 10 seconds.” The chatbot’s responses aren’t beautifully written or strikingly original, but they aren’t meant to be. Prior to being released to the public, the system digested 300 billion words from textbooks, newspapers, academic papers, and other supposedly reliable sources. Its job is not to come up with fresh new insights, but to produce seamless simulacra of that material. A great deal of high school and college academic work involves those sorts of dutiful restatements of the conventional wisdom.

The libertarian-leaning author Virginia Postrel predicts that AI platforms will drive huge productivity gains in fields that rely on written communication. “Instead of writing boilerplate memos, managers will soon assign them to bots,” she writes. The opportunities to automate routine communications are limitless. On Twitter, one doctor demonstrates how he uses ChatGPT to compose letters to insurance companies asking them to cover certain tests his patients need. In seconds, the chatbot generates a flawless—and persuasive—email, complete with citations to the relevant medical literature. Imagine similar efficiencies when it comes to tasks such as writing legal briefs, short news articles, or financial reports. Expect to see the same sorts of gains in other labor-intensive fields including animation, video games, or computer software.

Historically, we’ve seen new technologies replace low-skill jobs, especially those requiring human brawn. Farm tractors put field hands out of work, and diesel engines eliminated jobs for coal shovelers on trains and ships. The AI revolution will instead target relatively high-skill jobs. For example, it takes over a decade of training to become a licensed radiologist. But in a recent study, an AI system outperformed human doctors in reading mammograms, reducing both false negative and false positive findings. Jobs that entail skilled but repetitive work probably face the biggest challenges. A computer developer recently produced a YouTube video showing how ChatGPT can be used to write basic computer code. “I’m really scared,” another coder responded in the comments. “I’m working out how to handle my future job as a mover or farmer.”

Any free-market economist will tell you this is all for the good. Allowing AI systems to take over repetitive intellectual chores will simply make professionals in those fields more productive. A good computer programmer will work many times faster with the help of code-writing bots. A doctor who spends less time writing emails to insurance companies will have more time to see patients. Lawyers will be able to serve more clients. And so on. Moreover, the automation of routine tasks will allow these professionals to wring more value out of their hard-earned expertise. People will be paid for the unique talent and ideas they bring to the table, not for their hours of grunt work.

That all sounds promising. After all, historically, jobs eliminated by new technologies have been replaced by better jobs. Not too many of us wish we could go back to the days when most people worked in fields or factories. But the changes wrought by AI are going to come at a ferocious pace. It took over a quarter century for the automobile to replace both the horse and the huge workforce employed in tending to those horses. AI will transform many knowledge industries in a matter of years, even months. A few top law firms might benefit from a huge boost in productivity. The general-practice attorney who makes a decent living handling wills and real-estate contracts probably won’t. Many of the jobs disrupted will be in fields where workers are accustomed to social status and political influence. Remember: The same AI system that can write college papers will be able to grade college papers. Brace yourself for howls of anguish across elite institutions.

On the other hand, the AI revolution might help some groups who tend to get left behind by technological progress. It takes years to learn how to write standard business prose. Many Americans never do, and that holds them back. But now the small-business owner who never went to college (or whose English is spotty) will be able to send perfectly composed emails to customers. The unjustly sentenced prisoner will be able to petition the court with well-reasoned legal arguments. For many such people, AI will be a great equalizer.

However, one group’s power will be massively enhanced by the rise of artificial intelligence: the people who control the leading AI platforms. OpenAI says its mission is to produce a “safe and beneficial” version of AI. But whose definition of “safe and beneficial” does it employ? When prodding ChatGPT with prompts, it doesn’t take long to discern the hidden value system embedded in the software. If you ask it to create a conspiracy theory about some topic, it will refuse. Ask it to make up a joke about “Americans,” and it will make a weak attempt at humor. Ask it to do the same about “Mexicans,” and the bot won’t respond. Clearly, the programmers want to keep their platform free of what they see as bias, conspiracy kookiness, and other moral contagions. Their concern is understandable (an AI system that churned out and constantly refined conspiracy theories would be scary indeed). But, like a car with a faulty alignment, ChatGPT’s algorithms seem to constantly steer it to the left.

Relax now as you contemplate man’s frivolous short sighted attempt at intelligence while listening to two of my favorite hymns; the latter, Ten Thousand Reasons, as played at the memorial service of the late Brian Stoltzfus, who flew into glory Jan 21, 2019.

Bono & Eugene Peterson Interview 2015 : THE PSALMS

Eugene H. Peterson, (1932-2018) was a pastor, scholar, author and poet. He wrote more than thirty books, including his widely acclaimed paraphrase of the Bible, The Message; and numerous works of spiritual formation, including Run with the Horses, and A Long Obedience in the Same Direction.

Paul David Hewson, whose stage name is Bono, was born May 10, 1960 is the lead singer of the Irish rock band U2 and one of the most talented performers in the history of rock and roll. While still in high school, Bono and his three friends formed a band, practiced a lot, innovated a unique sound, topped the pop charts, sold 44 million albums, won 22 Grammys, and got inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame.

All the while, Bono founded multiple charities, met with world leaders, advocated tirelessly to fight global poverty and disease, and was named Time magazine’s Person of the Year in 2005 sharing the title with none other than computer billionaire, Bill Gates and his wife, Melinda. Times honored Bono for having “charmed and bullied and morally blackmailed the leaders of the world’s richest countries into forgiving $40 billion in debt owed by the poorest.” Time began choosing a “Man of the Year” in 1927, to pick the “person or persons who most affected the news and our lives, for good or ill, and embodied what was important about the year, for better or for worse.” Hitler was named in 1938 and Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979.

FYI, Charles Lindbergh (1927) was the first and youngest person to receive the Time distinction at 25 years old. Recent winners in 2018 were The Guardians and the War on Truth, 2019 Greta Thunberg, and the final persons to receive the award evidently since no one was named in either ’21 or ’22, was Joe Biden and Kamala Harris in 2020. Certainly more trivia than necessary!

The clip below is a 21 minute interview featuring the connection between Bono and Eugene in the Peterson homestead near Glacier Park and Kalispell MT. Eugene returned to the family homestead after his retirement as a pastor near Laurel MD. His brother was pastor of the Fredericksburg Presbyterian Church although I am not aware of the years he served there. Enjoy.